O mito da proteção da segurança social contraa violência doméstica de gênero: reestruturação do contrato sexual-racial na dinâmica de Centros de Defesa e Convivência da Mulher da cidade de São Paulo.

Abstract

In Republic Constitution 1988 was ensured the fundamental right to “security” (section 5º) and, specifically, “social security” (section 194). The “political compromise” with “social welfare” restored “security” of political confrontation to “structural violence” forms through the new “Democratic State of Right”, establish by new “social contract”, set with various engaged sectors in the 80’ period, among these sector, is Women’s Movement. This period digs into institutionality the social movements autonomous experiences, especially some kind of “popular feminism”. Few years later, Maria da Penha Law was enacted (law no. 11.340/2006) that mark a fundamental security right specific to women whom suffer from gender violence in domestic and affection context (known by “domestic violence”), such as organized, amplify and took further the protectives modalities in existence by that time. [specialize agency police e “shelter-houses”]. Without breach the punctual form of approach and/or focus in the ordinary masculine violence of the “penal types”, the law expressed and promoted relevant political efforts of mobilization to continuous approach or enlarged, preventive and targeted in women. The “violence forms” prediction (section 7º), describe by victim’s affections points to importance of understanding women’s “reactions” in this “new paradigm” of protection. Between its own political efforts, are the Women Sociability Defense Centers of São Paulo city (CDCMs in Portuguese), created in the 2000: specialized social assistance protectives modalities, set to promote “living security” and “shelter” to women victimized by domestic violence. Based on investigation at three Defense Centers located on extreme outskirts of São Paulo, I look forward to check: (1) who are the majority women attended in the social program; and (2) How is developed e which effects may produce that protective modality, claimed as “welcoming”, “warm”, “patient”, “promoter of social relations”, “fostering to achieve feminist consciousness”. By establish connections between the dynamic from CDCMs (in portuguese) and the profile of attended women, I propose to bring to doubt if, by trying to encourage confrontation to masculine violence, prevail in the social assistance, concretely, a “political security” against the “potential” violence (reaction) of women to the racial-sexual contract (domestic), orchestrated by its own input into a “new racial-sexual contract” (public)